domingo, 30 de novembro de 2014

"Making a living" - 101 anos

O 1º filme com Charlie Chaplin

Fiction: Chapter 2.2 of “Mecha, Tofu, and Revolution”

With that rebuke, Trotsky returned to the position he was in before, seeking a solution to Russia’s economic problems within the confines of War Communism. Perhaps realizing he had been overly harsh in his criticism, Lenin requested Trotsky take over the country’s department of transportation, which, beyond the derailing of Trotsky’s train, was in disastrous shape. Lenin surely meant it as a compliment, despite the extra work it would require from Trotsky, who was already overseeing the civil-war effort.

“However you want to handle this, I’ll support you,” Lenin said in the Kremlin cafeteria, while dipping a vegan grilled cheese sandwich in tomato soup. “You’re my best man.” Ultimately, the methods Trotsky used to fix the railroad system — militarization of the transportation workers — did not spark significant outcry and thus did not require any intervention by the Soviet leader on their behalf. This lack of controversy was no doubt due to the war raging in Poland, which had a silencing effect on potential critics.

In late June of 1920, Trotsky, backed by a contingent of Red Army guards, lambasted the workers of the railway repair shop in Murmansk. “Your laziness is killing our brave comrades on the front!” Trotsky shouted at the assembled crowd of workers on the warehouse floor. “The Poles are on the offensive, because they know our transport system is broken and we can’t get mecha reinforcements where they’re need in time. That changes now.” Trotsky went on to outline a dramatic increase in the workers’ hours and pace. As he wound down his speech, someone pushed to the front of the throng and loudly objected to the plan.

Hoping to get a better look at this interrupting figure, Trotsky pushed his round, wire-rimmed glasses up the bridge of his nose. “Who are you, comrade?” The man in question was wearing suspenders; the shirt underneath was covered in grease. He said he was the union representative for the warehouse. “Ah,” Trotsky said, understanding. “Well, thank you for your services. We will appoint a new leader for this repair shop.” Trotsky was prepared to exit the building, but this dismissal of the union figure provoked an audible ripple of displeasure through the crowd.

“Gentlemen,” Trotsky said, turning back to the group. “We are in the midst of a civil war. Capitalists the world over want to crush us like they did the Communards fifty years ago in France. I’m afraid that for Russian workers it will get worse before it gets better. That’s just the terrible reality.” With that, he walked out of the building, his military entourage in tow. Under Trotsky’s tight grip the Soviet railways were soon repaired.

It was in the wake of this success that he exceeded the mandate granted him by Lenin. Speaking before a congress of trade unions, Trotsky admitted — happily it seemed — that he would seek the dismissal of union leaders in any industry who considered the needs of their membership before those of the revolution as a whole. He was quoted saying so in Pravda, and when the story ran Lenin summoned him to his office in the Kremlin.

When Trotsky arrived there the next day, Lenin stood before a beverage cart, stirring coconut-milk creamer into his coffee with a metal spoon. Grigory Zinoviev sat in one of the pair of wooden chairs before Lenin’s desk, eating a warm bublik, fresh from the oven, and slathered with soy-cream cheese. Zinoviev was, among other things, chairman of the Third International. Upon hearing Trotsky enter, both men turned and greeted him genially. Lenin inquired whether he had eaten breakfast, but Trotsky was well aware this was not a social call, and asked the Soviet leader as politely as he could manage to get to the point.

Lenin sighed, and in placing his mug on his desk, spilled a touch of coffee on the day’s edition of Pravda. Trotsky couldn’t help but notice the paper was open to an article featuring continued coverage of Trotsky’s comments before the congress of trade unions. “Comrade, the Central Committee is going to have to distance itself from you, because of your statements,” Lenin said, motioning to Pravda. “In the current period, the most important thing is reasserting worker democracy in the labor unions. I’m appointing Zinoviev to head up a commission to see that this is accomplished.”

From his chair, Zinoviev smiled at Trotsky, simultaneously appearing pleased and apologetic. Lenin continued, “Going forward, the Central Committee requires that you not make public comments regarding the relationship of unions to the government. Do you think you can manage that?” Fuming, Trotsky chewed his lip, but nodded eventually. Lenin walked out from behind his desk and clapped him on the back. “You’re a good soldier,” the Soviet leader said. Placing the remainder of his bublik on a platter, Zinoviev rose and formally shook Trotsky’s hand.

Por Jon Hochschartner

Os 50 melhores discos da música brasileira - 11

"El "primer museo feminista del mundo" abre sus puertas en Suecia"

El establecimiento es "el único museo del mundo dedicado al lugar que ocupa la mujer en la historia, el presente y el futuro", explicó a la AFP su directora, Maria Perstedt.

quinta-feira, 27 de novembro de 2014


Mexico, like much of the developing world, is facing a growing public health challenge – more people than ever will be dying from chronic illnesses like cancer, heart disease and diabetes that often cause extreme pain. In 2009, Mexico passed a progressive law granting patients given less than six months to live access to palliative care, which focuses on treating pain and other symptoms. Palliative care is relatively low cost – medicines such as morphine costs pennies per dose, although training staff can be more costly – and it can allow people to re-engage with life and pass away with dignity. Despite this law, little changed for Mexico’s terminally ill – at least at first. Associate Health Director Diederik Lohman talks about how Mexico came to embrace the necessity of pain relief, his work on palliative care around the world, and how it can give the terminally ill an opportunity for joy and meaning at the end of life.

"Cante Alentejano" é Património da Humanidade

Cante Alentejano é Património da Humanidade.

Cultura Portuguesa e Mundial:

domingo, 23 de novembro de 2014

Fiction: Chapter 2.1 of “Mecha, Tofu, and Revolution”

In December of 1919, the Russian economy was grinding to a halt. Conflict with the White Army had destroyed countless railroad tracks and bridges. Under a policy dubbed ‘War Communism,’ requisition squads, typically made up of a few dozen soldiers supported by a mecha or two, scoured the countryside, confiscating the peasantry’s agricultural surplus to feed the Red Army and urban populations. In reaction, peasants by and large stopped producing more crops than their families needed.

It was under these circumstances that Trotsky wrote to the Central Committee, proposing that the civilian workforce be organized on military lines. Lenin supported the idea. But it provoked heated opposition when the pair argued for the change at a conference of Bolshevik trade union leaders the next month. The meeting was held in a large hall on the second floor of the Kremlin. Looking rather uncomfortable, Lenin and Trotsky sat at the head of a long table, around which sat the labor representatives. Along the table were platters of vegan syrniki, beside a bowl of strawberry jam for dipping. The fritters, however, were largely untouched due to the heated nature of the discussion.

Fedor Ugarov, head of the mecha workers union, banged his fist on the table. “Trotsky wants to bring us back to the days of the Tsar, to military-run penal colonies,” Ugarov bellowed. “That’s what the militarization of labor means.” This prompted shouts of agreement. Lenin at least feigned interest in what the union leaders were saying, diligently taking notes on their diatribes. But Trotsky had removed his spectacles, and was rubbing his eyes with a pained expression.

Boris Kozelov, leader of the typographer’s union, was also against the proposal. “The Russian people are sick of war and the demands that come with it,” Kozelov said. “Comrade Trotsky has contributed immeasurably to the Soviet military cause. But he’s the last person who should be making policy for our civilian workforce.”

When it was Trotsky’s turn to speak, he argued the union representatives didn’t know the true danger facing Russia’s economy. “We are on the brink of disaster,” he said. “Was my discipline in the Red Army harsh? Sure. But I did what had to be done to save the revolution. And that’s what I hope to do now.” In the end, however, the conference voted almost unanimously against the proposal for the militarization of labor.

The next morning, Trotsky slumped into a pleather chair in Lenin’s office. He was not accustomed to such a rebuke. But it didn’t appear to have significantly effected Lenin, who asked whether he wanted coffee or tea. Trotsky shook his head. “Chin up, comrade,” the leader of the Soviet government said. “You mentioned the Revolutionary War Council of the Third Army, having completed its duties, doesn’t have the necessary transport to send its troops home at the moment. Why not transform idle units into a labor force? The unions surely won’t object to that.”

This hadn’t occurred to Trotsky. He worked through the implications out loud. “We could use it as a potential jumping-off point for the militarization of the civilian labor force,” he said. Lenin, who seemed to have already reached this conclusion, smiled and raised his coffee mug in a silent toast.

Placed in charge of the effort, in early February, 1920, Trotsky and his staff were aboard a train, en route to the Ural Mountains, where he planned to inspect the labor armies stationed there. It was late in the evening; his assistant Glazman had gone to his quarters to sleep. But Trotsky remained in his study, composing a notice for the train’s newspaper. He was putting the finishing touches on this piece when his makeshift office began to rumble violently. Trotsky could tell something was wrong. Then, with a crash, the car and all of its contents rolled onto its side as the train derailed.

A few minutes later, Trotsky regained consciousness. He was lying in the snow, where he had been thrown clear. The icy storm, which had caused the accident, whipped Trotsky’s face as Glazman shook him awake. It would take nearly ten hours for an agricultural mecha from a nearby village to come to the crash site, place the train back on its tracks, and right those cars which had tipped over. During this time, with the collar of his coat upturned against the bitter cold, Trotsky surveyed the scene gloomily. He wondered whether labor militarization could truly fix Russia’s economic ills.

When he returned to the capital, Trotsky accompanied Lenin on a ceremonial tour of the Soviet Animal Sanctuary of Moscow, as it was the only time that day when the leader of the government was free to speak with him. Inside a heated shelter, Lenin nuzzled in his arms a grey chicken, to whom he cooed. “We need to stop requisitioning the peasants’ surplus,” Trotsky said intently. “Until this crisis has passed, we need to let them sell their crops on the market. They won’t grow them otherwise.”

Lenin laughed, while delicately placing the chicken on the sawdust-covered floor with her counterparts. “You’re a free-trader now?” The Soviet leader asked mockingly. “What’s next? Let the muzhiks return to animal exploitation if it will temporarily earn their favor? Really, I’m surprised at you.” Lenin shook his head in disappointment, before asking one of the sanctuary staff to lead them to the next shelter.

Por Jon Hochschartner

As Fotos que já marcaram o século XXI (VI)

Barack Obama and Government staff watch as commandos conduct a raid, which ends with the killing of Osama bin Laden [2011]

New York firefighters, many of whom lost friends in the 9/11 attacks, learn of Osama bin Laden's death [2011]

Norwegian citizens hold a flower march after terrorist attacks by Anders Breivik killed 77. [2011]

Capt. Michael Potoczniak marries his partner Todd Saunders, in a ceremony in San Francisco. [2011]

Billy Stinson comforts his daughter on the steps where their cottage once stood before it was destroyed by Hurricane Irene [2011]

A 4-month-old baby girl is rescued from the rubble four days after the Japanese tsunami. [2011]

The US rover, Curiosity, takes a selfie on Mars [2012]

Meghan Vogel, a high school runner, helps her exhausted rival cross the finish line. [2012]

The Middle East sees snow for the first time in over 100 years [2012]

Three young women from the New York Fashion Week pose next to a homeless man. [2012]

Grande notícia! - Voltou a "Círculo das Letras"

Recebi esta notícia do meu querido amigo Fernando Vicente:

Queremos informar todos os nossos amigos que depois do sofrido encerramento das nossas instalações da Rua Augusto Gil abrimos uma nova Livraria na Rua Voz do Operário, 62 em Lisboa.

em 4 de Dezembro (5ª feira) às 18.00h inauguração de Exposição de Arte do Rui A Pereira
apresentação do Filme de Pedro Sousa "Círculo das Letras" (o sonho e a vida da "Círculo 1")
Porto de Honra/momentos de reencontro e amizade com todos os nossos amigos

Esperamos trocar um vigoroso abraço convosco

quinta-feira, 20 de novembro de 2014

O Cinema está de luto! - Mike Nichols

"Portugal não vai cumprir os compromissos em matéria de ajuda ao desenvolvimento"

A ajuda pública ao desenvolvimento (APD) portuguesa decresceu 20,4% em 2013, após uma diminuição também significativa em 2012 (11,3%). Para além deste decréscimo, a ajuda ligada - ajuda sob a forma de empréstimos condicionados à aquisição de bens e serviços do país doador - continua a representar mais de 70% da ajuda bilateral nacional.

Estes números e as tendências da Cooperação Portuguesa integram o 9.º Relatório da Confederação Europeia de ONG de Ajuda Humanitária e Desenvolvimento (CONCORD) que foi lançada hoje, 20 de Novembro, na sede da Organização para a Cooperação e o Desenvolvimento Económico (OCDE), em Paris.

O mesmo relatório conclui que, apesar dos compromissos assumidos internacionalmente e renovados no novo Conceito Estratégico para a Cooperação aprovado em Março de 2014, Portugal apenas disponibilizou, em 2013, 0,23% do seu Rendimento Nacional Bruto (RNB) - 364M€ - para ajuda ao desenvolvimento.

Depois de três anos sem uma estratégia clara para o sector (o Conceito Estratégico da Cooperação Portuguesa foi aprovado apenas em Março de 2014) e com uma acentuada redução dos seus níveis de ajuda ao desenvolvimento, foi quebrado um percurso de crescimento da Cooperação Portuguesa que se verificou entre 2000 e 2010, colocando-se em risco muito dos avanços conseguidos nesse período.

“Continua a ser verdadeiramente preocupante a elevadíssima percentagem da ajuda ligada. 70% da APD portuguesa está condicionada à aquisição de bens e serviços por parte dos países parceiros a Portugal. Isto significa que o dinheiro que estaria destinado a contribuir para a erradicação da pobreza nos países parceiros não chega às mãos dos que mais dele necessitam e serve, ao invés, para dinamizar a economia portuguesa. A captação de investimento estrangeiro e a internacionalização da economia portuguesa são imperativos nacionais. Mas não à custa da ajuda pública ao desenvolvimento”, refere Pedro Krupenski, Presidente da Plataforma Portuguesa das Organizações Não Governamentais para o Desenvolvimento (ONGD).

Em relação às ONGD, o financiamento público está ainda disponível (apesar de uma redução de 57% entre 2011 e 2013), mas a decisão de priorizar o apoio a projectos com co-financiamento externo garantido (especialmente da Comissão Europeia) significa que muitos projectos relevantes, de qualidade, continuam a não ser financiados.

Ao nível da transparência da informação sobre a APD nacional têm-se verificado melhorias progressivas: a informação sobre a ajuda ao desenvolvimento é agora mais detalhada, actualizada e acessível, apesar de, por vezes, os dados não serem de fácil interpretação.

Ajuda pública ao desenvolvimento europeia cresceu em 2013 mas não o suficiente para fazer frente aos desafios globais

Apesar de um aumento moderado nos montantes globais da ajuda pública ao desenvolvimento em 2013, são ainda muitos os países da UE que estão a implementar cortes orçamentais que terão reflexos no futuro das políticas de Desenvolvimento. Prevê-se que a ajuda global direccionada aos países mais pobres, em particular no continente africano, sofra uma redução de 5% até 2016.

“O momento para os cortes na ajuda pública ao desenvolvimento por parte de muitos países europeus não poderia ser pior. Felizmente, o Reino Unido contrariou a tendência, tendo alcançado a meta dos 0.7% em 2013, dois anos antes do prazo final para este compromisso. Emergências globais crescentes e desafios ao desenvolvimento, com o surto de Ébola na África Ocidental como exemplo paradigmático, têm vindo a forçar os limites do possível em muitos países em desenvolvimento. Uma ajuda eficaz que chegue aos que mais precisam dela pode salvar vidas, apoiando serviços básicos como cuidados de saúde e o desenvolvimento a longo prazo”, afirma Ben Jackson, Director Executivo da Bond, a rede de ONG do Reino Unido.

Orçamentos da ajuda pública ao desenvolvimento incluem custos com migrações

No contexto das negociações Globais sobre a revisão do conceito de APD que estão actualmente a decorrer na OCDE, muitos países da UE pretendem que as despesas internas ligados aos fluxos migratórios, como por exemplo com refugiados, sejam contabilizadas oficialmente como como ajuda pública ao desenvolvimento, isto quando, em 2013, os custos com os refugiados representaram 1.7 mil milhões de € da ajuda bilateral dos países da UE.
“Estamos a assistir a uma tendência preocupante em que cada vez mais países, como a Suécia, estão a financiar custos relacionados com migrações recorrendo a verbas orçamentais destinadas a ajuda ao desenvolvimento. Esses custos são importantes mas não deve ser contabilizados como APD”, refere Peter Sorbom, representante da CONCORD Suécia.

AUE contabiliza “em excesso” a sua ajuda pública ao desenvolvimento

A ajuda pública ao desenvolvimento deve corresponder a uma efectiva transferência de recursos para os países em desenvolvimento. No entanto, a UE inflacionou a sua ajuda em cerca de 5.2 mil milhões de € em 2013 e, deste montante, cerca de mil milhões corresponderam a juros de empréstimos, ou seja pagamentos efectuados pelos países receptores da ajuda.

De acordo com Jean-Louis Vielajus, Presidente da Coordination SUD, a rede francesa de ONG, “em 2013, França recebeu 239 milhões de € em juros de empréstimos provenientes de países em desenvolvimento. Simultaneamente, o montante global da APD francesa tem diminuído de ano para ano e, infelizmente, prevê-se que esta tendência venha a manter-se nos próximos anos”.

terça-feira, 18 de novembro de 2014

"Tempo de Avançar - Convocatória da Convenção para uma candidatura cidadã"

Portugal vive um tempo de urgência. Há uma geração que abandona o país, uma economia frágil que se desmorona em sucessivas falências de empresas, um Estado que é reduzido às suas funções mínimas, uma democracia que perde poder efetivo, um corredor de escolhas que, a cada dia que passa, se vai estreitando. É, para todos os cidadãos, um tempo de exigência. Da organização da resistência, mais do que nunca necessária, tem de nascer a construção de uma alternativa, com soluções praticáveis que mobilizem as energias democráticas do país e sejam capazes dos diálogos possíveis.

A urgência que o país sente e as soluções que o país exige obrigam a escolhas difíceis. Cabe-nos garantir que não sejam entre ficar na mesma ou voltar para trás. Não basta mudar o governo para haver a mudança necessária. As próximas eleições têm de corresponder à vitória de um programa de defesa do Estado Social e do Estado de Direito e de aprofundamento da democracia em Portugal e na Europa.

Sabemos em que país queremos viver. Num país que proteja o trabalho com direitos e valorize o conhecimento. Que ajude a economia a ser mais inovadora e mais solidária. Que proteja o ambiente e o território. Que se orgulhe do Estado Social e melhore a sua Escola Pública, o seu Serviço Nacional de Saúde e a sua Segurança Social. Que combata a precariedade, redistribua o rendimento e erradique a pobreza infantil. Onde a igualdade seja o eixo central de um novo contrato social e a alavanca para um novo modelo de desenvolvimento.

Sabemos o governo que queremos. Queremos um governo progressista que recuse a austeridade como forma de sair da crise e a passividade como forma de estar na Europa. Que construa um poder democrático que governe para o povo e não seja refém de interesses privados. Um governo assim enfrentará escolhas difíceis, mas necessárias. Em Portugal, precisará de um mandato popular para defender a Constituição. Na Europa, precisará de uma nova política de alianças e de uma atitude mais exigente e insubmissa para combater o Tratado Orçamental e iniciar um processo de reestruturação da dívida pública.

É tempo de avançar. Esta é uma convocatória à vontade cívica de todos quantos acreditam que esta governação progressista é possível e deve ser construída pela força da cidadania. Uma convocatória para uma Convenção Cidadã a ter lugar a 31 de janeiro, em Lisboa. Uma convocatória à construção de um programa eleitoral auscultando os cidadãos, num processo de debate e deliberação público, transparente e informado. Uma convocatória a uma candidatura cidadã às próximas eleições legislativas, através de um processo de construção de listas aberto, em eleições primárias. Acima de tudo, uma convocatória a uma maior responsabilização política de todos, eleitores e eleitos, antes e depois do voto, para uma alteração fundamental das políticas que têm devastado o país nos últimos anos. A sociedade portuguesa reclama uma democracia mais intensa, mais informada e mais responsável. E soluções viáveis para o terrível impasse em que se encontra. Pode ser diferente. Depende de nós.

Pode subscrever a convocatória neste link.

Subscritores iniciais:

Abílio Hernandez, Coimbra
Adriano Barrias, Lisboa
Alberto Melo, São Braz de Alportel
Alberto Midões, Viana do Castelo
Alexandra Lucas Coelho, Lisboa
Alexandre Barroso, Coimbra
Alexandre Estrela, Lisboa
Alexandre Oliveira, Lisboa
Ana Bastos, Lisboa
Ana Costa, Lisboa
Ana Drago, Lisboa
Ana Fernandes, Porto
Ana Filipa Larcher, Bissau / Lisboa
Ana Mafalda Pernão, Lisboa
Ana Maria Oliveira Pereira, Sintra
Ana Prata, Lisboa
Ana Raquel Matos, Coimbra
André Barata, Lisboa
André Belo, Rennes
André Carmo, Lisboa
André Freire, Lisboa
André Gago, Lisboa
André Nóvoa, Lisboa
André Teodósio, Lisboa
Ângela Luzia, Almada
Anísio Franco, Lisboa
António Avelãs, Lisboa
António Gonzalez, Torres Vedras
António Loja Neves, Oeiras
António Martins Coelho, Vila Rela de Sto. António
António Serzedelo, Setúbal
Armandina Maia, Lisboa
Augusto M. Seabra, Lisboa
Bárbara Bulhosa, Lisboa
Boaventura de Sousa Santos, Coimbra
Branca Carvalho, Viana do Castelo
Bruno Dias Pinheiro, Lisboa
Carlos Almeida, Lisboa
Carlos Brito, Alcoutim
Carlos Gouveia-Melo, Lisboa
Carlos Luís Figueira, Vila Real de Sto António
Carlos Nobre Neves/PACMAN, Lisboa
Carlos Teixeira, Lisboa
Catarina Andrade Fidalgo, Lisboa
Catarina Mourão, Lisboa
Catarina Ruivo, Lisboa
César Nuno Madureira, Lisboa
Cipriano Justo, Cascais
Clarisse Marques, Lisboa
Cláudia Rita Oliveira, Lisboa
Cláudio Borges, Lisboa
Daniel Jesus, Lisboa
Daniel Oliveira, Lisboa
David Crisóstomo, Almada
David Marçal, Lisboa
David Morais, Leiria
David Xavier, Lisboa
Delberto Aguiar, Lisboa
Diana Barbosa, Porto
Diogo Martins, Vila Franca de Xira
Diomar Santos, Porto
Edgar Costa, Palmela
Eduardo Viana, Oeiras
Eldad Manuel Neto, Porto
Elísio Estanque, Coimbra
Emílio Távora Vilar, Lisboa
Enrique Pinto-Coelho, Lisboa
Eugénia Pires, Lisboa
Fernanda Marinho Amado, Loures
Fernando Martins, Lisboa
Fernando Nunes da Silva, Lisboa
Fernando Sousa Marques, Sesimbra
Fernando Vendrell, Lisboa
Filipa Vala, Lisboa
Filipe Moura, Lisboa
Filipe Santos Henriques, Alenquer
Florival Lança, Lisboa
Gaspar Martins Pereira, Porto
Geiziely Glícia Fernandes, Lisboa
Gonçalo Pereira, Lisboa
Graça Rojão, Covilhã
Guadalupe Simões, Lisboa
Gustavo Cardoso, Lisboa
Gustavo Rubim, Lisboa
Helder Faustino Raimundo, Loulé
Henrique Borges, Porto
Henrique Mendes, Lisboa
Henrique Sousa, Seixal
Hugo Faria, Lisboa
Isabel do Carmo, Lisboa
Isabel Guerra, Lisboa
Isabel Loureiro, Lisboa
Isabel Mendes Lopes, Lisboa
Isabel Prata, Coimbra
Isabel Santos Duarte, Porto
Isabel Tadeu, Lisboa
Ivan Nunes, New York
Ivone Barracha, Torres Vedras
João Arriscado Nunes, Coimbra
João Bicho, Lisboa
João Bonifácio, Lisboa
João Carlos Afonso, Lisboa
João Carlos Coelho dos Santos, Porto
João Estrompa de Almeida, Lisboa
João J. C. Ferreira, Coimbra
João Lourenço, Lisboa
João Monteiro, Porto
João Vasco Gama, Lisboa
Joaquim Mealha Costa, Loulé
Jorge Espírito Santo, Lisboa
Jorge Gravanita, Lisboa
Jorge Malheiros, Lisboa
Jorge Martins, Porto
Jorge Morais,Porto
Jorge Pinto, Bruxelles
Jorge Vala, Lisboa
Jorge Wemans, Lisboa
José António Tavares, Lisboa
José Aranda da Silva, Cascais
José Carlos Martins, Coimbra
José Carlos Miranda, Porto
José Castro Caldas, Amadora
José Costa, Bruxelles
José Delgado Martins, Lisboa
José Dias, Coimbra
José Fanha, Lisboa
José Manuel Basso, Nisa
José Manuel Carreira Marques, Beja
José Manuel Henriques, Lisboa
José Manuel Neto Azevedo, Açores
José Manuel Tengarrinha, Cascais
José Maria Silva, Porto
José Mário Silva, Lisboa
José Pedro Pereira, Lisboa
José Pedro Silva, Almada
José Reis, Coimbra
José Vítor Malheiros, Lisboa
JP Simões, Lisboa
Júlia Coutinho, Lisboa
Júlia Leitão Barros, Lisboa
Júlio Machado Vaz, Porto
Leonor Barata, Coimbra
Leonor Cintra Gomes, Lisboa
Luciana Rio Branco, Lisboa
Luís Filipe Santos, Lisboa
Luís Moita, Lisboa
Luís Moutinho, Porto
Luís Quintais, Coimbra
Luís Valente, Jena
Luísa Alvares, Basel
Luísa Branco Vicente, Lisboa
Luísa Costa Gomes, Lisboa
Luísa Mesquita, Santarém
Manuel Branco, Évora
Manuel Brandão Alves, Lisboa
Manuel Coelho, Sines
Manuel Correia Fernandes, Porto
Manuel Vieira, Porto
Manuela Barreto Nunes, Braga
Manuela Carvalheiro, Coimbra
Manuela Silva, Lisboa
Manuela Vieira da Silva, Lisboa
Marco Barroso, Haarlem / Lisboa
Margarida Bak Gordon, Lisboa
Maria Augusta Sousa, Oeiras
Maria Benedicta Monteiro, Lisboa
Maria Clara Fernandes, Porto
Maria Eduarda Gonçalves, Lisboa
Maria Emília Costa, Faro
Maria João Andrade, Lisboa
Maria João Cabrita, Braga
Maria João Cantinho, Lisboa
Maria João Freitas, Sintra
Maria João Pires, Lisboa
Maria José Espinheira, Porto
M. Margarida Trocado Moreira, Loures
Maria Ofélia Janeiro, Alverca
Maria Tengarrinha, Lisboa
Mariana Topa, Matosinhos
Mário Figueiredo, Lisboa
Mário Laginha, Lisboa
Mário Ruivo, Lisboa
Marisa Galiza, Mafra
Marta Bobichon Loja Neves, Oeiras
Marta Delgado Martins, Lisboa
Marta Moita, Lisboa
Miguel Ângelo Andrade, Lisboa
Miguel Dias, Setúbal
Miguel Gonçalves Mendes, Lisboa
Miguel Vale de Almeida, Lisboa
Miguel Won, Lisboa
Milice Ribeiro dos Santos, Porto
Nídia Zózimo, Lisboa
Nuno David, Lisboa
Nuno Fonseca, Lisboa
Nuno Fragoso Gomes, Lisboa
Nuno Serra, Oeiras
Paolo Marinou-Blanco, Los Angeles / Lisboa
Patrícia Beldade, Oeiras
Patrícia Brito Mendes, Lisboa
Patrícia Gonçalves, Lisboa
Paula Cabeçadas, Lisboa
Paula Velazquez, Lisboa
Paulo Fidalgo, Lisboa
Paulo Jacinto, Sintra
Paulo Monteiro, Maia
Paulo Peixoto, Coimbra
Paulo Velez Muacho, Seixal
Pedro "Pecas" Monteiro, Cascais
Pedro Bacelar de Vasconcelos, Braga
Pedro Gonçalves, Lisboa
Pedro Nunes Rodrigues, Leiria
Pedro Roque Domingues, Lisboa
Pedro Vieira, Lisboa
Pierre Guibentif, Lisboa
Pilar del Río, Lisboa
Priscila Soares, São Braz de Alportel
Rafael Esteves Martins, Sintra
Renato Carmo, Lisboa
Ricardo Alves, Lisboa
Ricardo Paes Mamede, Lisboa
Ricardo Sá Fernandes, Lisboa
Rita Covas, Cape Town / Porto
Roberto Merrill, Braga
Rodrigo Gonçalves, Lisboa
Rogério Moreira, Oeiras
Rosa Barreto, Lisboa
Rosa Maria Martelo, Porto
Rui Bebiano, Coimbra
Rui Feijó, Porto
Rui Tavares, Lisboa
Rui Valada, Amadora
Sandro Mendonça, Lisboa
São José Lapa, Sintra
Sara Araújo, Coimbra
Sara Magalhães, Lisboa
Sérgio Lavos, Lisboa
Sofia Cordeiro, Lisboa
Susana Beirão, Vila Nova de Gaia
Ulisses Garrido, Lisboa
Vasco Pimentel, Lisboa
Vera Tavares, Lisboa
Virgílio Morais de Matos, Lisboa
Viriato Soromenho-Marques, Lisboa
Vítor Louro, Sesimbra
Vítor Sarmento, Lisboa

"Ukraine, Syria: Incendiary Weapons Threaten Civilians"

Incendiary Weapons: Recent Use and Growing Opposition:
Memorandum to Convention on Conventional Weapons Delegates - November 2014

Marcel Proust - 18/11/1922 - "Si je survis, on se verra"

Marcel Proust (10 juillet 1871 - 18 novembre 1922) restera comme l’un des immenses auteurs du XXème siècle, l’inventeur d’une forme littéraire inouïe, conçue comme une cathédrale, un écrivain classique et incontournable pour les futures générations. À l’âge de trente-cinq ans, il entame son œuvre colossale A la recherche du temps perdu à laquelle il consacrera sa vie entière. Mais sa santé est fragile, l’asthme dont il a toujours souffert s’accentue, et, victime d’une bronchite mal soignée, il sombre et écrit cette dernière lettre à son ami écrivain Henri Duvernois:

Mon cher ami,

Si vous saviez l’état où je suis, vous seriez stupéfait qu’un merveilleux hasard m’ait fait ouvrir votre lettre, qu’un plus merveilleux hasard me donne la force de vous répondre. En résumé pas de chèque actuellement je vous prie, il sera temps si je me tire de mon fâcheux accident de santé. Quant au « roman » comme il n’en reste rien faites arranger cela comme il vous plaira, ou jetez-le au feu. Je ne suis pas étonné qu’on n’ait rien compris à mes folles indications.

En effet après que j’ai [sic] cru avoir tout retiré on a calculé qu’il y avait encore 9 000 lignes en tout. Alors (l’accident de santé commençant) j’ai fait ôter tous les cahiers dactylographiés sans compter. Donc qu’on en enlève un peu plus, un peu moins, je m’en désintéresse. Si je me fatigue tant à vous écrire tout cela, c’est pour ne pas risquer que le livre (Gallimard) paraisse peu après. Je n’aurais aimé connaître personne plus que votre ami. Mais toute visite m’est interdite et impossible. Si je survis, on se verra. Précautions inutiles *** est idiot mais le seul qui ne se heurte pas à des inconvénients. Si j’ai une nouvelle heure de force j’écrirai au cher Robert de Flers de m’épargner après « une longue et douloureuse maladie vaillamment supportée » ce qui serait du reste faux car cela n’a rien à voir avec le reste. D’ailleurs je pense encore m’en tirer. Mais dans ce cas-là, que je préfère tout de même la convalescence qu’on me promet fait frémir.

segunda-feira, 17 de novembro de 2014

"Caminhos do Cinema Português" - 2014 - Há Cinema em Coimbra!

Tudo aqui!

Escravos do século XXI - Um dossier de Isabelle Hachey - 2

Alors, Settu a signé un pacte avec le diable.

L'homme de 36 ans a emprunté 20 000 roupies (370$) au propriétaire d'une briqueterie de la banlieue de Chennai, dans le sud de l'Inde. En échange, il a dû quitter son village pour aller fabriquer des briques et rembourser sa dette. Un labeur éreintant, brisant, infernal.

Settu se lève tous les matins à 5h, quand le soleil n'est pas encore brûlant. Pieds nus, il se déplace avec précaution sur le toit d'un gigantesque four à briques. Un travailleur y est déjà tombé. Il est mort brûlé vif.

Settu empile des briques sur sa tête et charge le camion qui les emportera à Chennai. Bientôt, la chaleur deviendra accablante. Pour ne pas mourir d'épuisement, Settu et les autres devront prendre une pause jusqu'à la fin de l'après-midi.

Puis, le travail reprendra. Settu s'échine comme cela depuis 10 ans. Il ne gagne presque rien. «Le propriétaire nous donne juste assez d'argent pour nous permettre de payer nos repas. Le reste, il le garde pour se rembourser.»

La servitude pour dettes

Settu est en «servitude pour dettes», presque réduit à l'esclavage, incapable de rentrer chez lui ou même de changer d'emploi avant d'avoir remboursé le propriétaire de la briqueterie jusqu'au dernier sou.

La pratique est illégale depuis 1976. Cela n'empêche pas les employeurs de faire des razzias dans les villages, en profitant de la pauvreté extrême des habitants pour les piéger. «Parfois, les propriétaires vont ramener une cinquantaine de familles par camion», dit Cyril Alexander, directeur d'une ONG locale.

Les travailleurs et leurs familles dorment dans des cabanes, sur le terrain de la briqueterie. Les femmes travaillent aux côtés de leur mari. Les enfants ne vont pas à l'école. Ils travaillent, eux aussi.

«Plus les familles sont nombreuses, plus le prêt accordé est important», dit M. Alexander. Les propriétaires s'assurent que les travailleurs ne parviennent jamais à s'acquitter de leur dette - même si, en réalité, leur dur labeur devrait les avoir remboursés depuis longtemps.

Des amendes risibles

«L'esclavage est interdit en Inde, mais cela se poursuit à cause de la connivence entre les organismes de surveillance, la police, les politiciens et les maîtres d'esclaves», se désole Kailash Satyarthi, défenseur des droits des enfants de New Delhi.

Pratiquement aucun propriétaire n'a été poursuivi en vertu de la loi adoptée en 1976. Personne n'a été emprisonné. Et l'amende de 2000 roupies (37$) imposée aux employeurs fautifs est risible, estiment plusieurs ONG indiennes, qui réclament une mise en oeuvre plus musclée de la loi.

Selon les militants, il y aurait toujours entre 10 et 40 millions de personnes en servitude pour dettes au pays.

Les autorités semblent avoir abdiqué. À Kanchipuram, ville connue pour ses fameux saris de soie, l'administration locale a mis sur pied des écoles de nuit afin de permettre aux enfants d'avoir accès à l'éducation tout en continuant à travailler pendant la journée.

Le système des castes est «l'une des fondations» de la servitude pour dettes, selon Human Rights Watch. Traditionnellement, les gens s'attendent à ce que les dalits travaillent gratuitement et n'aient pas accès à la terre. Un préjugé qui contribue à maintenir ces soi-disant «intouchables» dans un état d'esclavage et de perpétuelle pauvreté.

Settu reviendra après la mousson pour finir de rembourser sa dette. Et après? Rien ne l'attend à son village, dit-il. Il contractera un nouveau prêt.

Isabelle Hachey

Assim vai a Europa! - "Scottish referendum: To the victor, the carping and the criticism"

If you want to know who won the referendum, look at who resigned afterwards

Fiction: Chapter 1.3 of “Mecha, Tofu, and Revolution”

Ultimately the Soviet leadership voted to continue the offensive into Poland. As Trotsky predicted, the Red mechas marching through Polish towns were widely seen by the populace not as liberators, but as the latest iteration of Russian domination. On a mid-July afternoon, with his assistant Glazman, Trotsky sat in the audience of the second congress of the Third International held in Moscow. Since the previous year, the number of delegates to the event had swelled significantly.

Lenin stood before the assembled gathering, detailing Soviet advances into Poland on a large map. Since the conference hall was crowded and they sat in the back, Trotsky and Glazman could whisper without distracting notice from the presentation. “This is a disaster waiting to happen,” Trotsky said in frustration. “You can’t carry the revolution into another country on the barrel of a mecha’s machine gun.” Shortly after, he was proven correct. Polish forces routed their Russian counterparts in the battle of Warsaw.

It was a decisive victory for the Poles. Perhaps 100,000 Bolshevik soldiers were killed, wounded or captured. Soviet robots were also destroyed or appropriated in large numbers. Nearly twenty years later, it was common to see rusting Red mechas used as farming plows in the Polish countryside. The defeat was particularly frustrating for Trotsky because Lenin had spent decades insisting on the right to Polish independence, even when Marxist-animalists in that country opposed the idea from an internationalist perspective. In short, Lenin should have known better. By October, the Bolsheviks had made peace with Poland.

In February 1921, Trotsky was in the Ural region, supervising the Red Army’s construction of the Soviet Animal Sanctuary of Sverdlovsk. Gun turrets on the militarized mechas were replaced with fork-lift extensions, which were used to transport fencing and assemble barns. After the revolution, domesticated animals of Tsarist Russia were sterilized and placed in sanctuaries to live out their days free from human violence. However, as the civil war progressed, more animals were continually liberated as the White Army ceded territory to the Bolsheviks.

Trotsky stroked the head of a goat peaking her head through temporary fencing. She was such a gentle creature, he thought, before admonishing himself for his speciesist condescension. A Russian winter was hardly the best time to accomplish construction, but there was no other option. These animals needed shelter. Approaching from behind, Glazman interrupted Trotsky’s solitary contemplation. “Have you heard the news?” Trotsky’s stenographer asked.

As Trotsky turned, his eyes narrowed. He hadn’t. “The Red Army has marched into Georgia,” Glazman said. Trotsky was shocked. Nothing but vapor, visible in the cold air, escaped his mouth. Finally, Trotsky spoke, asking to no one in particular, “Has the Politbureau really not learned its lesson from the Polish debacle?” The nearby goat bleated, and he returned to scratching her chin.

“Apparently it’s on the advice of Comrade Stalin,” Glazman continued, not needing to mention Stalin was from Georgia and the Politbureau tended to defer to him on related matters. “He’s of the opinion a Bolshevik uprising with popular support has taken hold in the country.” Trotsky fumed. It was idiotic adventurism; why hadn’t he been consulted? “There’s no way such a rebellion has the backing of the masses in Menshevik Georgia,” Trotsky said. And it didn’t. A large force of Soviet mecha and ground troops took nearly two weeks to reach the Georgian capital of Tiflis, during which time the Red Army suffered substantial losses.

On his train, rattling its way back to Moscow, Trotsky read an account of the taking of Tiflis in Pravda. Eventually, he sighed and put down the day’s edition of paper. “I guess there’s nothing that can be done about it at this point,” Trotsky said glumly to Glazman, who agreed. “I’ll have to walk a fine line in my public statements. I can talk generally about the right of Russia to militarily assist genuine revolutions, but I won’t go into detail about the Georgian case.”

Glazman nodded. “I just can’t afford to make trouble in the Politbureau right now,” Trotsky said, almost apologetically. He looked out the train window, as the snowy countryside rushed past his view. “I should draft a telegram to Lenin though, about the need to treat the Georgians with a light hand,” Trotsky continued, pouring soy creamer into his coffee. “You know, a minimum mecha force in civilian areas and some respect for local leadership structures.”

Glazman stood up, holding onto the back of his chair for balance as the train shook, and grabbed his notebook from the table on which he’d left it. “Do you want me to take notes, sir?” Glazman asked. Trotsky nodded, sipping delicately at his scalding beverage, before he seemed to reconsider. “On the other hand, what’s the point?” Trotsky said, frustrated. “You can’t really put a pleasant face on occupation. The Georgians are going to see us as continuing the Tsar’s oppressive legacy either way.”

To be continued…if there is enough interest.

Por Jon Hochschartner

sexta-feira, 14 de novembro de 2014

Escravos do século XXI - Um dossier de Isabelle Hachey - 1

Ils ont le dos en compote et les nerfs à vif.

Pendant deux ans, Azzam et son petit frère, Alam, ont été penchés sur une machine à coudre. Du matin au soir, ils ont assemblé sans s'arrêter des centaines, des milliers de soutiens-gorge, dans un atelier clandestin de New Delhi.

Courbés sur leur ouvrage, sans capacité de fuir, ces enfants de 13 et 10 ans étaient esclaves des temps modernes. Comme 30 millions d'hommes, de femmes et d'enfants dans le monde.

Les chaînes qui reliaient Azzam et Alam à leur machine étaient invisibles. Mais tout les empêchait de quitter l'atelier sombre et mal aéré de la capitale indienne ; les menaces, les coups, leur appartenance à une caste inférieure, les dettes écrasantes contractées par leurs parents auprès de patrons sans scrupules.

Leur pure vulnérabilité.

En Inde, 14 millions d'êtres humains sont asservis par d'autres. C'est près de la moitié des esclaves que compte la planète tout entière. En chiffres absolus, ce géant asiatique figure en tête des pays esclavagistes du monde, selon le premier classement du genre, publié en octobre par l'organisation australienne Walk Free.

Pour ce grand dossier sur l'esclavage, nous vous entraînerons dans ces ateliers où des enfants sont moins bien traités que la marchandise qu'ils fabriquent, mais aussi dans des briqueteries du sud de l'Inde, où des familles ont été arrachées à leurs villages pour être réduites à des années de servitude.

Nous vous convierons ensuite à un voyage à travers les dunes du Sahara, en compagnie des tribus nomades de la Mauritanie. Dans cette vaste contrée du nord-ouest de l'Afrique, des milliers d'hommes et de femmes naissent pour une seule raison : servir leurs maîtres. Leurs maîtres blancs. Les esclaves, eux, ont la peau aussi noire que la nuit du désert.

Ils sont 150 000 à vivre ainsi toute une vie d'esclavage. Un chiffre substantiel, considérant que le pays ne compte que 3,8 millions d'habitants. Autrement dit, 4 % des Mauritaniens sont esclaves. En termes de proportion, le pays se classe ainsi au tout premier rang du classement de Walk Free.

Pour clore ce dossier, nous vous entraînerons dans les plaines de l'ouest du Népal, pays classé au cinquième rang des nations esclavagistes, en proportion. Là-bas, des villageois se rassemblent une fois l'an, à l'occasion d'un festival, pour faire le commerce d'enfants de 6 ou 7 ans.

C'est ce qu'on appelle le système des Kamalari. Poussés par la pauvreté, des milliers de parents népalais vendent leurs enfants à des familles de castes supérieures, espérant leur procurer un meilleur avenir. Trop souvent, ils leur offrent plutôt une vie de corvées, de maltraitance et de soumission.

En juillet 2013, le gouvernement népalais a réitéré l'abolition du système de Kamalari. La pratique y était pourtant déjà interdite depuis 2000. Tout comme en Inde, où la « servitude pour dettes » est illégale depuis 1976. En Mauritanie, l'esclavage a été aboli à trois reprises depuis un siècle. L'État en a même fait un crime passible de 10 ans de prison en 2007.

Pourtant, dans ces trois pays comme ailleurs, les pratiques esclavagistes persistent largement. À cause du manque de moyens, de ressources, de volonté politique. Les lois existent bel et bien sur papier, mais sont rarement mises en oeuvre.

Alors, partout, des gens se lèvent pour lutter contre le pire des crimes. En Mauritanie, nous vous raconterons l'histoire poignante d'un homme qui s'est battu pendant 10 ans pour libérer sa soeur esclave. Au Népal, celle d'une Québécoise qui s'est exilée au bout du monde pour aider des Kamalari à s'affranchir.

Pas besoin d'aller si loin pour lutter contre l'esclavage, souligne toutefois Kailash Satyarthi, un militant indien qui a dirigé l'opération de sauvetage des frères Azzam et Alam dans l'atelier clandestin de New Delhi. « Ces enfants fabriquaient des vêtements vendus dans les grands magasins de Londres, Paris, Toronto. » Aux consommateurs de s'informer, dit-il. Et de faire les bons choix.

quarta-feira, 12 de novembro de 2014

Auguste Rodin - 12/11/1840

Os 50 melhores discos da música brasileira - 10

Fiction: Chapter 1.2 of “Mecha, Tofu, and Revolution”

Much had changed since the formation of the new International, when one could believe revolution was imminent throughout Europe. Soviet Hungary and Bavaria had been crushed by counter-revolutionary forces. Perhaps the Bolsheviks’ strategy was all wrong, Trotsky thought, as he traced his finger across the map on his desk. “Mikhail,” Trotsky said, clearing his throat, “what if we are faced in the wrong direction? What if the road to a Soviet London and a Soviet Paris is not through the west? Could it be through the east?”

The wheels of Glazman’s mind were turning, like those inside a mecha. “We could exert far more influence in Asia than we might in Europe, at least for now,” the stenographer said cautiously, still mulling it over. But Trotsky had reached his conclusion. The chairman stood up, thumping his fist on the desk in excitement. “Mikhail, take this down!” he said. “I want to dictate a policy recommendation for the Central Committee. We must fundamentally reorient our perspective!”

An hour or so later, Glazman marched a few cars down to the train’s telegraph station. He dropped Trotsky’s missive in the outgoing stack of messages and presumably Trotsky’s memorandum was forwarded to the Central Committee, who ignored it. This did not weigh heavily on Trotsky. His political imagination was constantly firing in so many directions at once that, within a few days, he was onto the next thing and had almost completely forgotten his urgent, foreign-policy recommendation. Events in the west would soon demand the chairman’s attention.

Poland had agreed to an informal ceasefire with the Bolsheviks. But pressured by the French, who saw the interests of carnist-capitalism threatened by the Russian experiment, Poland reneged on the agreement. In early March of 1920, Poland attacked Russia. Hearing the news, Trotsky immediately diverted his military train and returned to Moscow, where he knew Lenin would need him. Trotsky was in such a hurry that a half dozen of the smaller mecha, awaiting repairs, were left in the field to be retrieved later.

The next night, Trotsky paced angrily about Lenin’s Kremlin office, as the head of the Soviet government sat passively behind his desk, listening. “Those bourgeois corpse-munchers!” Trotsky exclaimed, gesticulating wildly. “Did I not say the Poles would betray us?” Lenin nodded as he steepled his hands and sighed. “We have to crush them,” Trotsky said. “We have to hit them so hard, capitalists the world over will not think of such a thing again.” He got no resistance from Lenin. “I agree, comrade,” the Soviet leader said, wearily. “I’m only asking what you need.”

On an early day in June, a few miles from Kiev, Trotsky inspected a brigade of his Red Army that was preparing to assist in the retaking of the Ukranian city from Polish forces. Trotsky walked with the unit’s commander, surveying the 4,000 infantrymen and 200 mecha of various sizes standing before them. The chairman paused before a scouting mecha, approximately 20-feet tall. Craining his neck, Trotsky could see the driver inside the cockpit.

“How are the unit rations, soldier?” Trotsky shouted up. The mustachioed man in the upper innards of the machine was a bit taken aback the chairman was speaking to him, let alone asking his opinion of something. So his response was delayed. “They’re good, sir,” the driver answered. “None of that Romanov chow?” Trotsky continued, referring to the animal flesh served pre-revolution. “No sir,” the driver said proudly. This seemed to please Trotsky and he continued on, stopping occasionally to inquire about diesel and ballistic shipments, as well as buck up those soldiers who needed it.

“We must remember that this is not a nationalist war,” Trotsky shouted, in his eventual address to the whole gathering. “Our enemies are not the Polish people, but the Polish capitalists and landlords.” Thirty minutes later, when he’d finished his speech, Trotsky shook the unit commander’s hand, saluted the assembled troops, and boarded his train to inspect a regiment camped some miles away. In less then a week, the Red Army had retaken Kiev.

By July, there was debate within the Soviet leadership as to whether its army should continue into Poland. Lenin, Trotsky, and Joseph Stalin were eating in an otherwise empty Kremlin dining hall. It was late in the evening. “A few months ago, you told me we must crush the Poles,” Lenin said, putting down his fork, as he spoke to Trotsky. “That’s what a march on Warsaw will do.”

Trotsky, for all his militaristic bluster, did not believe the Red Army should enter Poland. “In 1917, we promised the Poles independence,” Trotsky said, paying no attention to the vegan shashlik on his plate. “Whatever provocations their ruling class engaged in, if we march on Warsaw, the Polish proletariat will think us no better than the Tsar.” Lenin waved his hand at Trotsky in exasperation. He turned toward Stalin, who was shoveling vegan stroganoff into his mouth, spilling a bit on his shirt and dipping his mustache in sauce. “What say you, comrade?” Lenin asked.

To be continued….if there’s enough interest.

Por Jon Hochschartner

segunda-feira, 10 de novembro de 2014

Assim vai a Europa! - A propósito da consulta na Catalunha - "Los partidos soberanistas dejan atrás la unidad un día después del 9-N"

Hoje votaram 2.250.000 pessoas na consulta simbólica à independência da Catalunha, segundo a estimativa da Generalitat (governo regional). Com 88,4% dos votos escrutinados tinham votado 2.043.226 pessoas, valor de onde parte o cálculo do Governo catalão, explicou a vice-presidente regional Joanna Ortega, frisando tratar-se de "dados quase definitivos". Os eleitores que não puderam exercer hoje o voto poderão fazê-lo nos próximos 15 dias.

Livro Recomendado - "Grande Sertão: Veredas"

Uma obra prima! Deslumbrante e surpreendente. Maravilhoso!

De João Guimarães Rosa

As Fotos que já marcaram o século XXI (V)

Tracy Caldwell looks down on Earth from the International Space Station [2010]

Smoke billows from a controlled burn of spilled oil off the Louisiana coast in the Gulf of Mexico coast line. [2010]

Live images of the Chilean miners trapped in a mine for 21 days. [2010]

Phyllis Siegel, 76, and Connie Kopelov, 84, are finally able to get married in New York. In the past decade, 17 US States, alongside 15 countries have legalized gay marriage. [2011]

A couple kisses on the pavement during the Vancouver Riot [2011]

Christians protect Muslims in prayer at Tahrir Square during the Egyptian Revolution [2011]

Robert Peraza, who lost his son, mourns 10 years after the 9/11 terror attacks [2011]

A dog soaks in an adoring crowd in Mexico by following the Pope [2011]

An Egyptian woman kisses a policeman, who had refused to fire on protestors, during the revolution against the Mubarak Government [2011]

A police officer pepper-sprays Occupy protesters at the University of California [2011]